Kayode Fayemi, former governor of Ekiti, has recounted how his opponents tried to dismiss his political credentials during his early campaigns for the governorship of the state.
Fayemi’s accounts are contained in a book titled “How To Win
Elections in Nigeria” by Seun Oloketuyi, media entrepreneur and convener of the
Best of Nollywood (BON) awards.
Fayemi served two non-consecutive terms as governor of Ekiti
between 2010 and 2022, with Ayodele Fayose’s second tenure coming in between.
The former governor said there is no one-size-fits-all
political structure for winning elections, noting that every state has its
peculiarities.
However, he said any candidate seeking victory must
understand and seek the support of existing party leaders in the state,
particularly the governor and other elected political office holders and
appointees, including ministers and party executives.
Fayemi recalled that he was invited to contest by Niyi
Adebayo, former governor of Ekiti, who was then influential within the party
and controlled much of its political structure in the state.
Despite the goodwill, Fayemi said he still went round each
of the state’s 177 wards at least three times, meeting key leaders individually
with his team during the campaign.
The former minister of solid minerals development, however,
said the hurdles at the time were relatively easy compared with those he faced
during his second-term bid.
He noted that to win an election anywhere, a candidate must
be conversant with the history and politics of the state, adding that, unlike
others, Ekiti is monolingual and generally shares the same value systems and
orientation.
“At the point I entered politics, state politics had assumed
a violent edge and become toxic,” Fayemi recalled.
“Having lost the 2003 election to a rabble-rousing, populist
politician whose party controlled the centre, the progressives were not only in
search of a competing candidate, but also a bold one who could confront a
sitting administration that was terrorising everyone (Dr. Ayo Daramola, an
aspirant, had been killed).”
He said his campaign team therefore amplified his academic
background, including his PhD in War Studies, alongside his international,
civil society and democratic struggle credentials with NADECO and Radio
Kudirat.
He added that the credentials were reinforced by prominent
features in The New York Times and The Economist of London.
Fayemi said securing the buy-in of the intellectual elite
gave him the widest appeal among the aspirants at the time, given Ekiti’s
reputation as the intellectual capital of Nigeria.
“Even though my opponents tried to dismiss me as a ‘Tokunbo’
or ‘Atohunrinwa’ (an outsider politician), having bold conviction and strong
external networks carried the day,” he said.
“Combined with a relentless grassroots campaign and a
welfarist Eight-point Agenda mirroring the UPN’s historic four cardinal points,
the strategy proved decisive.”
Fayemi said the combination ultimately worked for him,
although it might not necessarily work in another state.
However, the former governor said he changed his political
strategy when he returned in 2018 to seek a second term.
“I emphasised my proximity to the centre and governance
track record during my first four years in office, especially in light of the
excruciating suffering of the citizens during the period my successor was in
charge,” he said.
‘YOU MUST OWN YOUR NARRATIVE’
Fayemi said his experience had shown that managing
narratives had become increasingly difficult in the 24-hour news cycle.
“In my experience, you must own your narrative,” he said.
“In politics, your work does not speak for you, no matter
how well you have performed. You have to constantly communicate with your
various audiences: the intellectual elite, social media spaces, and traditional
grassroots publics.”
The former governor further identified what he described as
the five “election gods” that every political office aspirant must satisfy,
even when they are acceptable to the electorate.
He said they include the election management body (INEC),
state security institutions, the judiciary, non-state security actors and
financial muscle to manage and coordinate all of them.
“Of course, you must also ‘own’ other political parties, the
small ones mushrooming all over the place for their nuisance value, ‘adopt’
their party agents to assist your own main agents at the polling units,” he
added.
“You must also maintain friendly, independent observer
missions in the event of post-election controversy. These are non-negotiable.”
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